后危机时代，谁是最大赢家？
从再平衡战略角度出发构造我国区域生产体系，其内环是两岸四地经济融合，中国与东盟经济一体化是中环，中日韩自由贸易区是外环。
国际原材料价格的下降将助我抑制输入型通货膨胀，而且令资源出口国经济和财政状况急剧恶化。那时，我国便可凭借丰富的外汇储备在全球“二次探底”时找回“一次探底”时未能充分及时抓住的机会。
中国最大的危险是误读了这次全球金融危机的教训。只要清醒冷静，继续坚持改革开放，中国就可以成为全球金融危机后的大赢家。
如果人民币宣布自由兑换，中国政府在实际上放弃了资本项目外汇管制，中国发生金融危机的风险将大增。
人民币盯住美元的前提条件是作为“锚货币”的美元价值必须稳定，这意味着中央银行需要继续持有而不是抛售美元储备，从而与储备多元化目标相互冲突。
美国不会在根本上形成与中国的对抗关系，而会让盟国与准盟国与中国保持适度紧张。亚洲地区国家中任何一组关系过从甚密，都不符合美国的战略利益。
国际金融体系改革的难点，是各经济体在国际金融领域的地位与负有相应责任的平衡问题。
随着欧元的持续贬值和危机规模的不断扩大，欧元区的未来可能会出现两种结果：一是实力较弱的成员国会被逐出欧元区；二是德、法等欧元区的核心成员不愿再承担代价并在巨大的损失面前宣布退出欧元区。
东亚共同体或许是中日两国殊途同归的必然结果。在这一过程中，日本要像德国在欧洲那样，彻底放下历史包袱，真正融入亚洲。
亚太共同体能否实现，取决于亚太地区主要成员对建立这样一个共同体的态度和迫切性。而要取得共识是一件不容易的事情，因为各国的战略利益差别太大。
主编观察
中国是一个赶超型国家，赶超型国家与发达国家存在着巨大的差距，差距就是潜力；未来十年将是中国城市化加速发展的十年，这一发展阶段有大量的投资和消费的内需可以释放出来；中国具有广阔的内陆市场，这与日本、韩国以及英国、欧洲等国家完全不同，她的根本优势就是潜在的大国市场。所以，中国经济仍有可能在未来十年实现速度比较快（9%以上）的增长。
第三次土地制度改革何时到来？
地方政府不能随意储备土地，以防止政府自己搞土地投机。要规定政府土地财政收益的用途，使之成为阳光财政。
任由土地私有化和自由买卖，一方面农村凋敝，小农破产，无地则反；另一方面，失地农民大批涌进城市而难以就业——实现的不是城市化而是城市贫民窟化。
土地的基本属性是一种生产要素或经济资源，其产权应该按照与资本、劳动、企业家才能等其他生产要素同一原则加以配置。
不限制国家和官员对农村土地拥有的无限权力，是很难从根本上解决土地制度问题的。必须明确农民的土地产权。
中国要想从目前僵硬的国家垄断性的土地制度中走出来，土地所有权结构一定要多元化。允许农户对土地的拥有、买卖的权利。
为了增强政府的合法性，各级政府包括中央政府都有制造房地产泡沫的冲动，维持对土地供应的垄断，最大化谋取政府利益。
户口制度、土地制度、教育医疗体制、社会保障体制等方面的改革，涉及到全局，单靠农业、农村方面的力量是改不动的。
推进农民工市民化将提高城市化率，释放巨大的消费需求，消除城乡户籍分割的社会制度阻碍，促进城乡一体化和经济与社会的协调发展。
其他要文
传统政党的普遍代表性是通过其鲜明的政治价值来完成的，政党国家化则意味着政党的政治价值的弱化和转变。在全球化和市场化的条件下，什么才是人民中国的政治变革的方向？
现代中国人的精神秩序之重建，必须从与传统的和解开始，中国人必须于复兴传统的过程中创造新文明。
美国进驻中国瓦罕走廊，将和阿富汗、中亚基地一起，形成“虎口”，中亚就将成为美国和俄罗斯进行“打劫”的地方。中国将面临与谁结盟的艰难选择。
上世纪50、60年代少儿抚养比过高，和现在面临的老龄人口抚养比过高，是同一个人口不均衡生产的问题。中国的人口再生产须结合时代特征致力于均衡发展。
英文稿： Table Of Contents
Increasing domestic demand and achieving a basic balance of international payments will be China’s priority in economic rebalancing and structural transition. In this process, China should develop a global financial center of its own, distinguishing from financial centers in Wall Street and London, to hedge against the systemic risks. Besides, China should implement a strategy of regional production system, with three nucleuses of mainland-Taiwan, China-ASEAN and China-Japan-Korea integration.
China’s economy may keep on its high growth (more than 9%) in the coming decade, if the government makes and implements appropriate policies, if China’s economic system is adjusted in a right way, and if the country’s development model is transformed in time. China’s economy, calculated in total GDP, is likely to surpass that of US in 2020, becoming the largest economy in the world. However, the per capita GDP of China will remain less than one-fifth of the US, and the country’s economic and overall strength will still lag behind the US.
If the global economy comes to a ‘double dip’ in the second half of the year, the prices of raw materials along with the market price for manufactured products may sharply decrease. The Chinese government may not rush in to reinforce economic stimulus. Rather, it may seize the opportunity to move outwards globally by investing in the international market via M&A and China’s sovereign wealth fund. This will help China strengthen control over natural resources and bolster enterprise brands worldwide.
The most dangerous thing China may do now is waver in its commitment to promoting and deepening reform and opening-up if the country misunderstands the lessons of the global financial crisis. We should be aware of the influence by ultra-left strands of thought and narrow-minded nationalism, and we cannot have doubt on the importance of a free market economic and financial system. As long as China retains its rational composure and avoids misreading of the financial crisis, it will be able to continue on its path of reform and opening-up, and act as a big winner in post-crisis times.
The current land system has hindered the growth and development of the property market while opening the door to a governmental land monopoly that has transferred huge amounts of wealth from the rural area to the urban area. This arrangement has also exacerbated the problem of agricultural production in China. The land ownership structure must be diversified and reformed, permitting rural peasants the right to own, lease, transfer and trade land, if China wishes to progress from a rigid monopoly of the land ownership system.
The United States’ aim is to maintain the status quo in the Asia-Pacific region. If the US implements reconstruction in Asia, the benefits it gains will be limited while the costs will be huge. Washington will not select a confrontational stance with China, but it will intentionally make its allies and potential allies retain moderate tension with China. Too close a relationship between US and any group of Asian countries is not in the strategic interest of the US.